WASHINGTON – Senate Judiciary Committee
Chairman Chuck Grassley wrote to Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein raising
concerns over yet another instance of deficient enforcement of the Foreign
Agents Registration Act (FARA) as it relates to the 2016 presidential election.
Media reports suggest that
Ukrainian “political leadership” opposed the candidacy of Donald Trump for
president of the United States and worked with a Democratic National Committee
consultant to undermine his campaign. This consultant allegedly had various
meetings with Ukrainian government officials, including embassy staff, to
coordinate the dissemination of incriminating information about Trump campaign
officials.
It appears that this consultant
was operating to advance the interests of both the Democratic National
Committee, the Clinton campaign, and a foreign government, which would have
required registration under FARA.
In his
letter,
Grassley requests information on any actions taken by the Justice Department
pursuant to FARA in this case, the differences between this case and similar
cases in which the Justice Department required registration and whether the
Department is investigating links and coordination between the Ukrainian
government and individuals associated with the campaign of Hillary Clinton or
the Democratic National Committee.
On July 26, the Judiciary
Committee will
convene
a hearing to examine enforcement of the Foreign Agents Registration Act and
attempts to influence U.S. elections.
Full text of the
letter
follows.
July
20, 2017
VIA ELECTRONIC TRANSMISSION
The Honorable Rod J. Rosenstein
Deputy Attorney General
U.S. Department of Justice
950 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20530
Dear Mr. Rosenstein,
According to news reports,
during the 2016 presidential election, “Ukrainian government officials tried to
help Hillary Clinton and undermine Trump” and did so by “disseminat[ing]
documents implicating a top Trump aide in corruption and suggested they were
investigating the matter…”
[1]
Ukrainian officials also reportedly “helped Clinton’s allies research damaging
information on Trump and his advisers.”
[2]
At the center of this plan was Alexandra Chalupa, described by reports as a
Ukrainian-American operative “who was consulting for the Democratic National
Committee” and reportedly met with Ukrainian officials during the presidential
election for the express purpose of exposing alleged ties between
then-candidate Donald Trump, Paul Manafort, and Russia.
[3]
Politico also reported on a Financial Times story that quoted a
Ukrainian legislator, Serhiy Leschenko, saying that Trump’s candidacy caused
“Kiev’s wider political leadership to do something they would never have
attempted before: intervene, however indirectly, in a U.S. election.”
[4]
Reporting indicates that the
Democratic National Committee encouraged Chalupa to interface with Ukrainian
embassy staff to “arrange an interview in which Poroshenko [the president of
Ukraine] might discuss Manafort’s ties to Yanukovych.”
[5]
Chalupa also met with Valeriy Chaly, Ukraine’s ambassador to the U.S., and
Oksana Shulyar, a top aid to the Ukrainian ambassador in March 2016 and shared
her alleged concerns about Manafort. Reports state that the purpose of their
initial meeting was to “organize a June reception at the embassy to promote
Ukraine.” However, another Ukrainian embassy official, Andrii Telizhenko, told
Politico
that Shulyar instructed him to assist Chalupa with research to connect Trump,
Manafort, and the Russians. He reportedly said, “[t]hey were coordinating an
investigation with the Hillary team on Paul Manafort with Alexandra Chalupa”
and that “Oksana [Shulyar] was keeping it all quiet…the embassy worked very
closely with” Chalupa.
[6]
Chalupa’s actions appear to show
that she was simultaneously working on behalf of a foreign government, Ukraine,
and on behalf of the DNC and Clinton campaign, in an effort to influence not
only the U.S voting population but U.S. government officials. Indeed,
Telizhenko recalled that Chalupa told him and Shulyar, “[i]f we can get enough
information on Paul [Manafort] or Trump’s involvement with Russia, she can get
a hearing in Congress by September.”
[7]
Later, Chalupa did reportedly meet with staff in the office of Democratic
representative Marcy Kaptur to discuss a congressional investigation. Such a
public investigation would not only benefit the Hillary Clinton campaign, but
it would benefit the Ukrainian government, which, at the time, was working
against the Trump campaign. When
Politico attempted to ask Rep. Kaptur’s
office about the meeting, the office called it a “touchy subject.”
Aside from the apparent evidence
of collusion between the DNC, Clinton campaign, and Ukrainian government,
Chalupa’s actions implicate the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA). As you
know, the Committee is planning a hearing on FARA enforcement. Given the public
reporting of these activities in support of a foreign government, it is
imperative that the Justice Department explain why she has not been required to
register under FARA.
FARA requires individuals to
register with the Justice Department if they act, even through an intermediary,
“as an agent, representative, employee, or servant” or “in any other capacity”
at the behest of a foreign principal, including a foreign political party, for
purposes of engagement with a United States official.
[8]
The registration applies to anyone who attempts to influence a U.S. government
official on behalf of a foreign principal in an effort to “formulat[e],
adopt[], or chang[e] the domestic or foreign policies of the United States.”
[9] As such, the focus of FARA is to
require registration for individuals engaged in political or quasi-political
activity on behalf of a foreign government. Likewise, an individual whose
activities are subject to registration under FARA and who sends informational
material “for or in the interest of [a] foreign principal” with the intent or
belief that such material will be circulated among at least two persons must
transmit the material to the Attorney General no later than 48 hours after
actual transmission.
[10] Notably, an
ongoing failure to register is an ongoing offense.
[11]
According to documents provided
to the Committee, the Justice Department required the Podesta Group and Mercury
LLC to register under FARA for working on behalf of the Ukrainian government.
[12] Their registration was required
even though the client, the European Centre for the Modern Ukraine (ECFMU),
wrote a letter saying it was not directly or indirectly controlled by the
Ukrainian government. That did not matter to the Justice Department because
their lobbying activity was not to “benefit commercial interests” of the ECFMU
but instead to promote the “political or public interests of a foreign
government or foreign political party.” The Justice Department made clear that
an individual acting in the political or public interests of a foreign
government must register under FARA. As such, because Podesta and Mercury were
effectively working on behalf of Ukrainian government interests, they were
required to register.
Unlike that situation where the
Podesta Group and Mercury LLC worked for the middleman (EFCMU) and not the
Ukrainian government, here Chalupa reportedly worked directly with Ukrainian
government officials to benefit Ukraine, lobbying Congress on behalf of
Ukraine, and worked to undermine the Trump campaign on behalf of Ukraine and
the Clinton campaign. Accordingly, these facts appear to be exactly the type of
activity Congress intended to reach with FARA. Please answer the following:
1. What
actions has the Justice Department taken to enforce FARA’s requirements
regarding Chalupa given the public reporting of her actions on behalf of the
Ukrainian government?
2. Why has the
Justice Department not required her to register under FARA?
3. Has the
Justice Department sent a letter of inquiry to Chalupa? If so, please provide a
copy. If not, why not?
4. Under 28
C.F.R. § 5.2, any present or prospective agent of a foreign entity may request
an advisory opinion from the Justice Department regarding the need to register.
Has Chalupa ever requested one in relation to her work on behalf of the
Ukrainian government? If so, please provide a copy of the request and opinion.
5. Please differentiate
the facts that required the Podesta Group and Mercury LLC to register with
Chalupa’s.
6. Are you
investigating the Ukrainian government’s intervention in the 2016 presidential
election on behalf of the Clinton campaign? If not, why not?
7. Are you
investigating links and coordination between the Ukrainian government and
individuals associated with the campaign of Hillary Clinton or the Democratic
National Committee? If not, why not?
I anticipate that your written
response and the responsive documents will be unclassified. Please send all
unclassified material directly to the Committee. In keeping with the
requirements of Executive Order 13526, if any of the responsive documents do
contain classified information, please segregate all unclassified material
within the classified documents, provide all unclassified information directly
to the Committee, and provide a classified addendum to the Office of Senate
Security. The Committee complies with all laws and regulations governing the
handling of classified information. The Committee is not bound, absent its
prior agreement, by any handling restrictions or instructions on unclassified
information unilaterally asserted by the Executive Branch.
Thank you in advance for your
cooperation with this request. Please respond no later than August 3, 2017. If
you have questions, contact Josh Flynn-Brown of my Judiciary Committee staff at
(202) 224-5225.
Sincerely,
Charles E. Grassley
Chairman
Senate Committee on the
Judiciary
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